RFK Jr. pushes to close a food additive loophole – but is a gutted FDA up to the task?
In March, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the head of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), announced that he was directing the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to start looking for ways to close a longstanding loophole that critics say has allowed more than a thousand new additives into food with only minimal oversight. The Generally Recognized as Safe, or GRAS, pathway allows companies to perform their own safety assessments of new ingredients rather than waiting for the FDA to do its own. But public health and consumer safety advocates — who might otherwise celebrate elimination of the loophole — are left wondering whether the precariously positioned Kennedy and newly downsized FDA are up to the task. Will they have the authority or resources to review additives more closely?
How did we end up with the GRAS process?
The GRAS system originated with a 1958 amendment to the existing Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic (FD&C) Act, which is the bedrock for the federal government’s authority to regulate food and drugs. The Food Additives Amendment was an adjustment that recognized the rapidly increasing complexity of the postwar food system and the dramatic expansion in processed and packaged foods which, thanks to advances in food science, contained new and unfamiliar ingredients like synthetic emulsifiers and preservatives.
Prior to the Food Additives Amendment, new additives were essentially considered safe until proven otherwise, leaving consumers at risk from potentially harmful substances that hadn’t been adequately tested. The amendment flipped that around, requiring safety testing, documentation and approval from the FDA before ingredients could be used in food. However, that threatened to bog down the agency with a backlog of approvals for common ingredients that had been used for years without incident. With this in mind, they created an exemption for ingredients that were “generally recognized as safe among qualified experts” to be exempted from the definition of additives, allowing long-used ingredients such as salt, vinegar or baking powder to skip the approval process.
Initially, GRAS substances were limited to a short, fixed list, one that food manufacturers complained did not reflect the more extensive range of ingredients they had been using widely and that were also considered safe. For the first few years, manufacturers could send letters to the FDA requesting GRAS designation for substances they were already using, though these informal waivers didn’t extend to other manufacturers. Initially, substances new to food still had to undergo the formal approval process laid out in the Food Additives Amendment.
That process changed with the Nixon administration, which ordered a more formal review of GRAS substances. The review committee published detailed reports on the safety of more than 100 substances on the GRAS list, a time-consuming endeavor that nevertheless produced high-quality safety data.
Around this time, companies also started to change their approach to GRAS, viewing it as an alternative route to get new ingredients approved without having to go through the formal additive approval process. To keep up with the volume of new and old substances needing review, the FDA introduced a process called GRAS affirmation, allowing companies to present detailed scientific data for new substances to the FDA rather than waiting for the agency to conduct its own review. While this process was still slow, it marked the beginning of companies using GRAS designation differently from how it was intended.
That shift accelerated in the 1990s, thanks to a wave of deregulatory actions from the Clinton administration that sought to speed up the work of agencies like the FDA, removing costly obstacles for food companies in the process. The FDA dropped the affirmation process in 1997, handing GRAS designation back to the companies and giving them the option — rather than the requirement — to notify the FDA that they had decided a substance was GRAS.
The GRAS loophole
The 1997 decision essentially eliminated the government’s direct oversight of the GRAS designation. The GRAS process now works in the opposite way from how it was intended: Rather than being a time-saving measure for old, well-known ingredients that freed up FDA scientists to conduct thorough reviews on new additives, GRAS has become the preferred way for companies to introduce new ingredients to the food supply without getting bogged down in the formal additive approval process, which companies almost never use today.
While companies are still legally barred from adding harmful substances to food — which theoretically motivates them to behave responsibly to avoid lawsuits — the current GRAS rules allow them to skip the original review process and simply declare new additives GRAS. The fact that notifying the FDA about a GRAS designation is optional means that new substances can make their way into food without any kind of regulatory review or public awareness. Many substances that have self-determined GRAS status might not even appear on an ingredient list because they’re used as processing aids that don’t appear in the final product, even if they do modify the food.
Companies are more likely to submit a GRAS notice when a substance will be listed as an actual ingredient or is a significant part of the product’s marketing, like the soy-derived “heme” that Impossible Foods uses to give its plant-based meat alternatives a bloody taste. But even when companies do file GRAS notifications, there are big problems with the process.
First, they don’t have to provide detailed safety data to the FDA, only summaries and justifications of their own reviews. And those reviews are often conducted by parties that are far from objective. One analysis looked at 451 GRAS notifications submitted from 1997 to 2012, and found that only 64 percent had an external expert panel perform a safety assessment — and all of those panel members had been selected directly by the companies or paid consulting firms. In 22 percent of cases, the safety assessments had been performed by employees of the company themselves. That represents a clear conflict of interest between companies, who want to get products to market quickly, and the safety of the public, who deserve transparent and thorough testing of the food they buy.
About 75 percent of the time that the FDA receives a GRAS notification, the FDA responds with a letter stating they have “no further questions,” essentially rubber stamping the manufacturer’s GRAS declaration. In rare cases where they deem the notification insufficient, they request further information. In most of these cases, companies receive the “no further questions” letter after submitting additional data. Companies can also opt to withdraw their GRAS notification altogether, but this doesn’t keep the ingredient out of food: Though it puts them at risk of fines and other legal action if the ingredient is subsequently found to be unsafe, companies can continue using it, and others could even self-determine GRAS status without notification. In short, there’s no real way for the GRAS notification process to keep additives out of the food supply.
In the decades since the notification process became the standard, companies have overwhelmingly transitioned to using the GRAS system to introduce new ingredients rather than the more time-consuming process of petitioning FDA review. A 2022 report from the Environmental Working Group (EWG) found that since 2000, food companies had only filed ten petitions to recognize and approve new additives. In the same time period, the FDA had received 756 GRAS notices from companies. That number doesn’t include undeclared GRAS designations that companies didn’t bother to report to the FDA, which some estimates put at more than 1,000 substances.
98%
of additives were introduced through the GRAS pathway between 2000 and 2022.
That EWG report details how several harmful substances that companies self-designated as GRAS have turned out to be anything but safe: flavor ingredients, extracts and additives that later turned out to be endocrine disruptors (like propyl paraben) or potential carcinogens (like EGCG). These were all rushed through the GRAS notification process without raising flags that would have been apparent with more thorough review.
Closing the loophole
The push to close the GRAS loophole marks a relatively rare moment of alignment between health professionals and food activists from many backgrounds. But it’s tough to envision a replacement for the process when Kennedy and his Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement are the ones leading the charge: MAHA’s pro-regulation goals intrinsically chafe against the Trump administration’s deregulatory stance.
Of course, Kennedy didn’t actually announce a plan to eliminate the GRAS loophole, nor has the HHS published details about its proposed plan to change the self-affirmed GRAS process. All HHS has done up to this point is announce they’re exploring ways to change the GRAS process through agency rulemaking, which means it’s a process they could accomplish without going through Congress.
Nevertheless, changing a rule is a lengthy process involving multiple drafts and public comment periods, where industry members and food system activists alike have a chance to influence the outcome. This means actual changes to the GRAS system are likely a ways off. In the short term, Kennedy could direct the FDA to review GRAS notices more stringently. For example, the organization could ask for more evidence and pursue more aggressive monitoring and enforcement against manufacturers who withdrew notices for ingredients they might still be using (provided there’s evidence the ingredients could be harmful).
Congress could also take a more active role in closing the GRAS loophole. There have been several pieces of legislation with provisions that would introduce more oversight into the GRAS process and eliminate conflicts of interest in safety reviews, though none has made it through a vote yet. Whether any of these proposals would find support among either house’s conservative majority is unclear — with many lawmakers strung between their constituents’ fervent enthusiasm for MAHA and their own pattern of deference to large companies that lobby against regulation.
Ultimately, whether GRAS reform comes through long-term policy change, a short-term step-up in enforcement, or legislation, more oversight requires more time and resources, and that’s something that the FDA is increasingly short on: As dietician Dr. Jessica Knulrick pointed out in a Substack post, the push to eliminate self-affirmed GRAS status (and presumably replace it with a more thorough review process) is fundamentally at odds with Kennedy’s ongoing actions to gut the FDA. With the recent layoffs of about 3,500 staffers, including many from the food program, it seems unlikely that they would have the resources or personnel to stringently review new additives, let alone review all the ingredients that were introduced under the GRAS system since rules became so lax. Given that the immense workload of performing safety reviews was part of the justification for switching to the notice system in the first place, that’s a big inconsistency that Kennedy or any other FDA spokespeople have yet to address.
For Kennedy, who has sworn to eliminate corporate influence at the FDA and strongarm food manufacturers out of using food dyes and a host of other additives, this obstructionism may be the point. But while slowing the processes to review additives might temporarily keep some out of the food supply, it’s not viable as long-term policy.
If anything, increasing dysfunction and inefficiency at the FDA may eventually provide the justification for stripping the agency of its regulatory obligations, a playbook that’s been widely employed to strip other federal agencies in the past. That’s an outcome that’s ultimately much more aligned with Trump’s strongly pro-business, anti-regulation approach. It would risk leaving U.S. consumers with a food system lacking even the minimal oversight that GRAS provides today.
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Top photo by Dianne Webb/Adobe Stock.
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